A Strategy is Born Essay Example for Free

A Strategy is Born Essay The events that were described in this case study sounds to me as if they started off with the planning model of Rational Planning. I say this due to the fact that all the right parties were alerted to what needed to be done with goals being said and set to be put into place for starters. This did help with the main concerns being priorities and kept to along with formations being followed with effective organized tactics. They were put into place after the goals were set and made. As I read this case study and from my understandings this war was being analyzed and evaluated by senior officers in Washington who all had different ways and structures they thought would work best for meeting the goals that had been set into place. This was one of the Rational models of continuing opinions with the planning process in order to see what all has currently worked with what was set to be done and what was not working and needed to be taken out and improved. But with that being said this is where I could see were the Rational Planning model some what worked and where the weakness of the plan begin to splay its role. The thorough communications about the goals that worked and were not working were not being met let alone everyone was on different pages with alternative actions that needed to be done. There were no set connections information being made of all the shared resources at all. First Heading The heading above would be used if you want to have your paper divided into sections based on content. This is the first level of heading, and it is centered and bolded with each word of four letters or more capitalized. The heading should be a short descriptor of the section. Note that not all papers will have headings or subheadings in them. First Subheading The subheading above would be used if there are several sections within the topic labeled in a heading. The subheading is flush left and bolded, with each word of four letters or more capitalized. Second Subheading APA dictates that you should avoid having only one subsection heading and subsection within a section. In other words, use at least two subheadings under a main heading, or do not use any at all. When you are ready to write, and after having read these instructions completely, you can delete these directions and start typing. The formatting should stay the same. However, one item that you will have to change is the page header, which is placed at the top of each page along with the page number. The words included in the page header should be reflective of the title of your paper, so that if the pages are intermixed with other papers they will be identifiable. When using Word 2003, double click on the words in the page header. This should enable you to edit the words. You should not have to edit the page numbers. In addition to spacing, APA style includes a special way of citing resource articles. See the APA manual for specifics regarding in-text citations. The APA manual also discusses the desired tone of writing, grammar, punctuation, formatting for numbers, and a variety of other important topics. Although the APA style rules are used in this template, the purpose of the template is only to demonstrate spacing and the general parts of the paper. The student will need to refer to the APA manual for other format directions. GCU has prepared an APA Style Guide available in the Student Writing Center for additional help in correctly formatting according to APA style. The reference list should appear at the end of a paper (see the next page). It provides the information necessary for a reader to locate and retrieve any source you cite in the body of the paper. Each source you cite in the paper must appear in your reference list; likewise, each entry in the reference list must be cited in your text. A sample reference page is included below; this page includes examples of how to format different reference types (e. g. , books, journal articles, information from a website). The examples on the following page include examples taken directly from the APA manual.

Trauma in Adjudicated Youth and Treatment Strategies

Trauma in Adjudicated Youth and Treatment Strategies Morgan Carella Abstract Research indicates there is a high prevalence of trauma in adjudicated youth (Brown, McCauley, Navalta, Saxe, 2013; Ford, Steinberg, Hawke, Levine, Zhang, 2012; Davis, Sheidow, McCart, 2014; Rosenberg et al., 2014; Stimmel, Cruise, Ford, Weiss, 2014). It is possible that effectively addressing trauma could reduce the probability of recidivism. youll need a statement tying youth with a Hx of trauma to probability of recidivism, not just prevalence in adjudicated youth. Aggressive behavior, trauma exposure and posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms are highly prevalent in juvenile offenders (Stimmel, Cruise, Ford, Weiss, 2014) Keywords: juvenile-justice-involved youth, trauma, PTSD Prevalence of Trauma in Adjudicated Youth Rosenberg et al. (2014) surveyed the incidence of trauma in juvenile-justice-involved youth and the psychiatric impact of that trauma. Rosenberg et al. hypothesized that there would be higher rates of trauma exposure, PTSD, depression, and substance abuse in juvenile-justice-involved youth compared to the general population. Rosenberg et al. gathered data from 350 juvenile-justice-involved youth; 269 in New Hampshire and 81 in Ohio using a customized, online survey. The authors combined and modified a number of tests in order to create the web-based Stress and Resources Survey used for this study. Ninety-four percent of the youth from the sample reported at least one trauma, 45.7% screened positive for PTSD, 49.4% for depression, and 61.2% for substance abuse. In addition, trauma exposure (total trauma) was significantly correlated with PTSD, depression, and substance abuse (Rosenberg et al., 2014). The results of this study confirm the high incidence of trauma in juvenile-justice-involved youth and the need for psychological intervention. Early psychological intervention among juvenile delinquents could lead to more appropriate treatment strategies and decreased recidivism. Rosenberg et al. (2014) created an online screening tool that could be easily replicated and used for subsequent studies. The Stress and Resources Survey measures a broad range of items in a consolidated, simple tool. The online, self-report survey allowed for uniformity of administration across the testing sites. In addition, by using an online survey, there was no chance for altering how questions were asked, or what order they were asked in. The survey also provides the opportunity for youth to answer survey questions honestly, instead of conducting face-to-face interviewing, where youth may be more prone to lying. One of the possible concerns about The Stress and Resources Survey created by Rosenberg et al. (2014) was that it abbreviated many existing surveys without necessarily providing enough information on whether or not it is a reliable or valid measure. Rosenberg et al. combined parts of other measures in order to more succinctly measure the information they were trying to obtain. It is not possible to tell whether the customized Stress and Resources Survey used for this study was a valid or reliable measure because there was no pre-test. Types of Trauma in Adjudicated Youth Stimmel, Cruise, Ford, Weiss (2014) investigated the relationship between exposure to different specific types of traumatic events, PTSD symptoms, and aggression. Stimmel et al. were interested in answering the following research questions: Will juvenile offenders who endorse multiple types of traumatic events exposures endorse greater levels of PTSD symptoms and aggression compared with juvenile offenders who endorse a single type of event exposure? Among juvenile offenders who endorse multiple types of potentially traumatic events, does PTSD symptom severity account for the relationship between violence exposure and aggression? (p. 185). Over an 8-month time period, self-reported trauma exposure, PTSD symptoms and aggression were assessed among 66 detained 12-16 year old boys from two juvenile detention centers in a northeastern state. Results indicate that 57 youth experienced at least one potentially traumatic event, 47 youth experienced at least two potentially traumatic events and the average number of potentially traumatic events endorsed among the sample was three. Participants who experienced multiple types of traumatic events scored three times higher on PTSD symptom severity than the participants who experienced a single type of event (Stimmel et al., 2014). Types of traumatic event exposure and the event that participants found most-troubling were recorded. This data was further analyzed to see if the event identified as the most-troubling met overall Criterion A for PTSD in the DSM-IV. Nearly fifty-percent of participants (16/33) selected learning about the violent death or serious injury of a loved one as the most troubling event, and of these 16 participants, more than 80% met Criterion A for PTSD. Similarly, when community violence (witnessed or experienced) was recorded as the most troubling event experienced by participants, 54.2% (13/24) met Criterion A for PTSD. Participants who met Criterion A endorsed more severe PTSD symptoms than those who did not meet Criterion A. In addition, results indicate a significant relationship between reactive aggression and total PTSD severity. Stimmel et al. (2013) define reactive aggression as â€Å"acts that occur in response to being provoked or threatened by others.† Reactive aggression was found to be significantly related to endorsement of PTSD Criterion B (intrusive re-experiencing) and Criterion D (hyperarousal) symptoms (Stimmel et al., 2014). These results support the view that it is important to screen for amount and types of trauma exposure in juvenile offender populations. All data collection occurred in a private room in the detention center, which increased the internal validity of the study. Ninety-one-point-seven percent of the parents and 91.6% of youth with whom contact was made agreed to participate in the study. Self-report measures were used in this study and are subject to state-dependent reporting, as well as under-and over-reporting. Complications involved in obtaining consent from parents reduced the sample size and lowered the generalizability of the results. The sample used for this study was a convenience sample, rather than a random sample, which also lowers the generalizability of the results. Types of Treatment Some treatment modalities have been proven more valuable than others. Ford et al. (2012) conducted a randomized clinical trial on the effects of an emotion regulation therapy (Trauma Affect Regulation: Guide for Education and Therapy, or TARGET) and a relational supportive therapy (Enhanced Treatment as Usual, or ETAU) on delinquent girls in the community. Ford et al.’s primary study hypothesis was that TARGET would be more effective reducing the severity of PTSD and enhancing emotion regulation skills. Ford et al.’s secondary hypothesis was that TARGET would also be more effective at reducing symptoms and cognitions associated with PTSD and increasing optimism and self-efficacy. Participants were recruited by announcements and presentations throughout the Hartford, Connecticut metropolitan area. The sample consisted of 59 delinquent girls (ages 13-17) living in the community. A baseline assessment interview was conducted and then participants were randomly assigned to either the treatment condition (TARGET), or the comparison condition (ETAU). Participants then completed a posttest interview at the conclusion of treatment (12 sessions), and 4 months after the baseline interview for individuals who did not complete treatment. Results indicate that TARGET was more effective than ETAU in reducing intrusive re-experiencing of traumatic events and symptoms of emotional numbing and avoidance. The number of participants assigned to the TARGET treatment group who met full criteria for PTSD dropped from 21 (baseline) to 9 (post-treatment) and those who met partial criteria for PTSD reduced from 12 (baseline) to 7 (post-treatment). The number of participants assigned to the ETAU treatment group who met full criteria for PTSD dropped from 16 (baseline) to 10 (post-treatment) and those who met partial criteria for PTSD reduced from 10 (baseline) to 3 (post-treatment). Results indicate TARGET was associated with reduction in PTSD symptom severity, as well as clinically significant changes in PTSD. Whereas ETAU only achieved small effect size changes, TARGET was associated with medium effect size reductions in anxiety and posttraumatic cognitions. However, individuals assigned to the ETAU treatment group scored higher on gains in optimism/self-efficacy and reduced anger (Ford et al., 2012). The small sample size and attrition limited the study’s ability to detect statistically significant differences between the therapy interventions. All measures were self report, thus subject to possible expectancy or other biases for which other data sources could offer a valuable counterpoint. One female assessor conducted all pre-and post- therapy assessments and therefore could not be blind to treatment type or phase, which is subject to bias between-group differences and may have inflated the estimates of pre- and post-change. Despite its limitations, the results of the Ford et al. (2012) research suggest TARGET may be a viable treatment approach for delinquent females. Trauma Systems Therapy (TST) Trauma Systems Therapy (TST) is a clinical and organizational model for treatment of traumatic stress in children and adolescents. TST was originally created as an outpatient and home-based treatment model, however, providers in residential settings saw its utility for their programs. TST acts to facilitate communication and shared goals among direct care providers, youth and families. TST also emphasizes the importance of functioning among direct care staff, who acts as the youth’s immediate caregivers during residential treatment. Individual, private practice therapists are likely to follow their own approach based on their individual experience and training. In contrast, TST can provide a uniform, systems-based approach and framework agency wide and across staff. TST has been implemented in three residential programs and different sets of outcomes have been tracked in each. The Boston Intensive Residential Treatment Program (Boston IRTP) is a 20 bed residential treatment center that provides long-term, intensive treatment to children and adolescents with SMHC. â€Å"Most residents have had repeated unsuccessful inpatient and residential care treatment before they are admitted to an IRTP setting† (Brown et al., 2013, p. 698). TST was initiated at Boston IRTP in September 2000 and data on total seclusion, restraint and injury episodes was collected until December 2007. Results indicate the number of incidents of seclusion; restraints and staff injury reduced substantially and sustained reduction following the implementation of TST. The Children’s Village (CV) provides short-term residential care for more than 1,200 youth per year in Dobbs Ferry, N.Y (Brown et al., 2013). In 2007, The Children’s Village implemented TST in two residential cottages and after one year, TST became the program treatment model for all 15 residential settings . The Children’s Village has not completed a program evaluation; however, they have tracked clinical outcomes over the course of treatment and used the data to develop treatment. The Child Ecology Check in (CECI) was used to track the child’s emotional regulation capacity and stability of the social environment prior to, and after, putting into place the TST intervention program. Prior to implementation of the TST model, the participant scored high in emotion dysregulation when the environment was distressed. Results indicate that as the environment became more stable post-implementation of TST, participant’s emotion regulation became significantly more stable. A subpopulation of youth from the Prairie Ridge Psychiatric Residential Treatment Facility in Kansas City received out-of-home services in TST from January 1, 2009 to December 31, 2009. â€Å"The overarching goal of the project was to ensure that youth leaving residential care received the same, consistent, child-specific TST services in the community upon discharge† (Brown et al., 2013, p. 699). By the end of the first year, levels of functional impairment scores dropped from 120 to 56 (high scores = lower level of functioning), placement stability for youth increased from 48% to 89%, the average number of placement moves per child dropped from 3.4 to 1.4; and the use of seclusions and restraints within the residential program dropped significantly (Brown et al., 2013). Multisystemic Therapy for emerging adults (MST-EA) â€Å"The peak years of offending in the general population and among those with serious mental health conditions (SMHC) are during emerging adulthood †¦ individuals with SMHC have greater justice system involvement than those without SMHC, both as juveniles and emerging adults† (Davis et al., 2014). Davis et al., (2014) modifies Multisystemic therapy (MST) for use with emerging adults (ages 17-25) with SMHC and recent justice system involvement. â€Å"Multisystemic therapy for emerging adults (MST-EA) targets MH [mental health] symptoms, recidivism, problem substance abuse, and young adult functional capacities† (Davis et al., 2014). Participants were recruited from individuals receiving case management through child welfare or mental health services or receiving juvenile or adult justice system supervision services (e.g., probation) in an urban/suburban region of a Northeastern state. â€Å"MST-EA was the clinical intervention provided to all participants. The state agency charged with treatment of justice-involved adolescents and emerging adults contracted with a private nonprofit provider to offer the MST-EA intervention †¦ Of the 41 participants who enrolled in the study, 21 (51.2%) fully finished the intervention, with 36.5 (range=14.7-64.8) weeks of intervention.† There was a significant reduction in mental health symptoms, with the median number falling considerably from 20 symptoms to between 5 and 6. The number of criminal and juvenile charges in the 6 months post-intervention (29%) was less than those in the 6 months prior to baseline (12%)à ¯Ã†â€™Ã… ¸ (Not statistically significant). â€Å"Recruitment rates into the research were high, and research retention rates were also very strong, as were interview completion rates. Selected measures showed good variability with results generally detecting change. The final fidelity measure captured adequate variability and participants expressed no confusion about final items.† â€Å"†¦study limitations include the absence of a control group, and the absence of examining the feasibility of randomization of a control condition. The absence of a control group limits understanding the relative strengths or weaknesses of the outcomes; however, that would be the main goal of a larger randomized controlled trial. The absence of employing randomization procedures limits the ability to specifically predict recruitment and retention issues that may arise as a result of either randomization or being assigned to a control condition† Discussion References Brown, A. D., McCauley, K., Navalta, C. P., Saxe, G. N. (2013). Trauma systems therapy in residential settings: Improving emotion regulation and the social environment of traumatized children and youth in congregate care. Journal of Family Violence, 28, 693-703. Davis, M., Sheidow, A. J., McCart, M. R. (2014). Reducing recidivism and symptoms in emerging adults with serious mental health conditions and justice system involvement. Journal of Behavioral Health Services Research, 1-18. Ford, J. D., Steinberg, K. L., Hawke, J., Levine, J., Zhang, W. (2012). Randomized trial comparison of emotion regulation and relational psychotherapies for PTSD with girls involved in delinquency. Journal of Clinical Child Adolescent Psychology, 41(1), 27-37. Rosenberg, H. J., Rosenberg, S. D., Ashley, S. W., Vance, J. E., Wolford, G. L., Howard, M. L. (2014). Trauma Exposure, psychiatric disorders, and resiliency in juvenile-justice-involved youth. Psychological Trauma: Theory, Research, Practice, and Policy, 6(4), 430-437. Stimmel, M. A., Cruise, K. R., Ford, J. D., Weiss, R. A. (2014). Trauma exposure, posttraumatic stress disorder symptomology, and aggression in male juvenile offenders. Psychological Trauma: Theory, Research, Practice, and Policy, 6(2), 184-191.

Biography of Tan Cheng Lock

Biography of Tan Cheng Lock Tun Dato Sir Chen Zhen Loke was born on April 5, 1883. He was the fifth-generation Peranakan Chinese Malaysian living on Heeren Street (Malay: Jalan Heeren) in Malacca and also the third son in his family of total seven brothers and sisters. According to history, his ancestors had migrated from China to Malacca in 1771. After then, the young Tan attended Malacca High School. He won the Tan Teck Guan Scholarship, which is specially awarded to top performers in the school. He later continued his education at Raffles Institution in Singapore from 1902-1908. He subsequently taught at the Institution from 1902 to 1908, and relocated back to Malaya to work as an assistant manager of the Bukit Kajang Rubber Estates Ltd., a company which belonged to his cousin. He was a quick learner and soon he was appointed visiting agent to Nyalas Rubber Estates in Malacca in 1909. In that very same year, Tan started three companies Melaka Pindah Rubber Estates Ltd., United Malacca Rubber Estates and Aye r Molek Estates Ltd. Three years later in 1912, the British government has nominated him as Melaka Council Commissioner and a Justice of the Peace for Malacca and also after a month, he was also nominated as the Commissioner of the Town Council for the towns and Melaka Port as well. In 1914, he resuscitated the Malacca Chinese Volunteer and was an ordinary member until 1919. The following year in 1915, the Strait Chinese British Association (SCBA) was revived by him, electing as the President of SCBA soon after. In 1923, at the age of 40, he was appointed as an nominated member of the Legislative Council of the Straits Settlements. Tun Dato Sir Tan Cheng Locks contribution in various ways toward society and Malaya are appreciated. Constitutional and political reform Tan Cheng Lock, at the age of 40, was appointed an unofficial member of the Legislative Council on January 1923. He was appointed from the residents of the settlement of Malacca and has considerable interests in the Settlements according to a Governors Despatch of the day. His appointment was the result of Guillemards partial acceptance of the Report of the Select Committee on the Straits Settlements Legislative Council Constitution of 1921 which recommended the enlargement of the council by two additional Chinese Unofficial members. Ironically, Tan having gained entry by this liberalizing act on the part of the Governor was to wage a crusade for changes to the Council over the next twelve years. He struggled for the introduction of the abandonment of the official majority in the Legislative Council, and an Asian unofficial member to the Executive Council and also limited franchise and In the non-constitutional arenas. He campaigned for the admission of non-European British subjects to the Malayan Civil Service and against the Sri Menanti Scheme of 1931. His views were tempered by his pro-British, united Malaya vision in both constitutional and non-constitutional fields. Executive council In running the colony, they merely sought a larger indigenous voice. This was evident in Tan Cheng Locks advocacy of the inclusion of an Asian member to the Executive Council. Since the 1870s when Hoo Ah Kay served as an extra-ordinary member on the Executive Council, Asians were not represented in this Council. Tan deplored this lack of Asian representation., He called for the inclusion of at least one Asiantic gentleman In 1926 and 1928. The British were brought around after initial reluctance, . Guillemard had objected to the appointment of Chinese unofficial member as he would represent only one of the many tribes of the Chinese race. This British attitude was gradually softened by Tans representations in the Council. Sir Cecil Clementi opined that it would be politic to add to it an Asiatic by 1930, . A Malay, Mohammed Unus, was appointed to the Executive Council in 1931 as the Unofficial Member. Tan Cheng Lock was hence not, as stated by Soh Eng Lim and Tregonning, the first As ian member nominated to the Executive Council. But the fact that he was instrumental in transforming the British thinking on this is undeniable. His voice was the solitary one in urging such reforms on the British. Tan Cheng Lock was not satisfied with the inclusion of a Malay unofficial member in the Council, and he called for a Chinese representative in the Council. He initiated the Straits Chinese British Association Petition of August 1931 to pressure Clementi into granting the concession. However, Clementi rebutted that the appointment of the Secretary of Chinese Affairs as an Official member to the Council since July 1931 should adequately represent Chinese interests. Tan remained adamant. He reaffirmed this real grievance of the Chinese in his strongly worded memorandum to Sir Samuel Wilson in December 1932. Finally, the British relented. A Chinese unofficial member was appointed with the resignation of Mohammed Unus in July 1933. This honour did not go to Tan. It went instead to Wee Swee Teow, a seasoned but less senior Legislative Councillor than Tan. However, on the resignation of Wee several months later, the distinction of being the Chinese Executive Representative could not be deni ed to Tan. He was nominated to the Council in November 1933. His was thus capped with a personal triumph and a victory for the Chinese as he gone through long years of struggle on the issue of Chinese representation After his resignation in 1935, this experiment of an Asian official member to the Executive Council was not discontinued, as stated by Tregonning, but the nomination passed on to another Chinese. Political Vision Tan Cheng Locks ultimate political vision from 1923 to 1935 was a united self governing British Malaya with a Federal Government and Parliament. He is functioning at Kuala Lumpur and with as much autonomy in purely local affairs as possible for each of its constituent parts. Common full-citizenship for all races was also envisaged. It would be a goal to be attained after the evolution of a Malayan consciousness. He believed this Malayan consciousness had to be gradually nurtured by deliberate policy. To forge links between the component parts Conscious efforts should be made. English should be used as the common language, common affection for Malaya and loyalty to the British Empire but with racial distinctiveness retained. In Tans vision, the pro-British political union would not be an independent one. The image of an independent Malaya which a writer suggested that he had, was asyet an unarticulated goal. He was for constitutional advancement within the basic colonial political fra mework. Economic In addition to political and constitutional reforms, a keen interest in the issues of finance and the finance taken by Tan Cheng Lok. As with the constitutional and political reform, his speech concentrated in a few close to his heart, like a thrifty person, rubber planting, and the theme of Chinas leaders have consistently. Therefore, he spoke several times, including a balanced budget, the government and the colonial economy in the contributions to the defense of financial matters. On economic matter, although Chinese participation in padi-growing attracted his attention, the issue that interested him most was rubber. Rubber When Tan Cheng Lock was appointed to the Council, rubber restriction under Stevenson Scheme introduced on 1 November 1922 was a few months old. From the beginning, he was the most enthusiastic of restriction. In 1924, he said the restriction is the basis of economic life in Malaya. Against an attempt by the mercantilist Associated Chinese Chambers of Commerce of British Malaya in 1925 to lift restriction, he said that this would, other than depressing prices, mean that the rubber planting industry would be severely impoverished by the consequent ruination and excessive exploitation of the rubber trees. His restrictionist view prevailed on Guillemard who wrote in support of him fending off the Associated Chinese Chamber Petition: Tan Cheng Lock has his views representative of planting interests and vert considerable planting interests. In the Council, half a year later, Tan added that in restriction lay the salvation of Malaya and of the planting industry. Besides the Netherlands East Indies, non-participation in the Stevenson Scheme, he was for its retention as long as Malaya produced 70 percent of the worlds rubber output. With his experience in the rubber industry, Tans support of restriction was understandable. When he first entered the rubber industry, the ruling price was a heady $1. 98 per pound in 1910, by 1913, the first price fall because of over production while was induced restrictive measures on the high seas brought another low little depression of 1921 to 1922 which saw weak demand and the lowering of prices from eighty-five cents per ound in 1920 to twenty cents a pound two years later. In 1928, restriction of production through the Stevenson Scheme raised this price to forty cents a pound. Growing from his point of view, this ensures important limitations, and therefore to the price stability of prices and profits should be welcomed measures. The British authorities were, however, much concerned with maintaining Malayas predominance in the rubbe r industry. Unilateral restrictions on the British Empire has given way to the Dutch East Indiaproduce more before the price achieved at the expense of a higher rubber. Consequently, British Malaya and Ceylons share of the worlds output fell from 70 per cent in 1922 to 52 per cent in 1928. The Dutchs share in the same period, in contrast, crept up from25 per cent to 40 per cent. Furthermore, the Scheme had soured British relations with the United States of America, the largest consumer of Malayan rubber, for these reasons, in November 1928, the British stopped the Stevenson Scheme. Unfortunately, the plan almost gave up when the Great Depression of the high-heeled shoes, weak demand and overproduction suppress prices. Tan, the fervent advocate of restriction, swung into action. In May 1930, he called for the introduction of restriction by the Government of all the producing countries. He spelt out the principles involved in this most forthright speech yet in restriction. Oversupply during the trade depression, he exhorted, must be regulated by taking concerted action to keep the latex in the tree until it is wanted while land alienation for rubber planting had to be stopped. Regulation of supplies, he emphasized, did not mean raising the price of rubber above its proper and natural value. Such actions will only protect non-competitive producers in the use and application of rubber expansion disadvantage. During the depression did not go unopposed, Tans move to restore restriction. Three months after his last speech, two unofficial members representing mercantilist interests, P. M. robinson of the Penang Chambers of Commerce and W. J Wilcoxson of the Singapore Chambers of Commerce, labeled restriction as an interference by Government with economic laws, a quack remedy which was nothing more than a palliative, and contended that salvation lies in their own efforts. A strongbody of opinion held this view, one of the speakers added. These deprecations drew from Ta n a combative response. He wanted to know whom they represented, for it there were no members in this council who happened to be restrictionist remarks would go unchallenged and that would not be fair. He then countered that doing nothing is not unworthy of the position, he believes, because it is two or three-quarter acres of land in Malaya, rubber, rubber production400. 000 tons, about half a million people a year. He reminded that the two Members and the Council that the whole malaya depends upon the industry and that is the reason why the Government should interfere. He was supported by strong restrictionist quareters in Malaya in this campaign. William Doughty, an unofficial Member in the Federated Malay States Council, was waging a similar effort. Similarly, public meetings such as that by the Rubber Growers Association in Negri Sembilan and the Malacca Chambers of Commerce on 21 December 1932 were held to pressure the Government into action. Meanwhile, the Straits Times and t he letters and articles filled with the same argumentthe host, these calls led government, the United Nations in June 1934, signed an international rubber and the Netherlands East Indies and the other seven countries, 98. 7%, Production supervision agreement between the worlds rubber production, which is a truly remarkable arrangements of international restrictions, he advocated. Pleased with the outcome, he acknowledged in the council that the Agreement was a triumph of common sense and reason. He referred to possible discrimination against small holders, in the same speech. Under the new restriction procedure, an Assessment Committee dominated by the European estates would allocate quotas. He asked for Asian representatives to speak for the interests of the domiciled rubber producers, who own 65 per cent of the rubber area in Malaya on this issue, to prevent discrimination. He failed to change the British policy and what he feared came to pass. In 1935, small farmers as a group ga ve 36. 8 percent, while export quota in 1933 theyhad exported 47. 8 percent. However, Tans position is no limit, the overall results, the rubber price per pound forty-three cents per pound thirty-five cents in 1937. Balanced Budgeting and Public Works Although Tan Cheng Lock change the rice policy efforts are unsuccessful, the impact on the budget in shaping his views on the Governments financial policies. Beginning in 1924 until his last years in the Legislative Council, he advocated a balanced budget with a surplus to boot. He believes that governments, such as individuals, must live within our means and save. He said that a surplus is the income in the reduction of opium uncertainties attendant insurance. The principle of a balanced budget, he advocated the development of public works which, to him, was a form of capital investment. He repeatedly accused of not doing enough in this regard, because its lack of income and lack of exploitation in opium replacementfund revenue surplus for the Government. In 1930, the Great Depression, unemployment and lack of money from the economys brought forth from Tan his most stirring call.. He urged the Government: to perform a worthy and noble act of self-sacrifice by the transfusion of some of its plentiful supply of blood into the arteries of this economically sick and anaemic community of Malaya by putting a portion of its enormous surplus funds into circulation by the execution of large public works which will keep a certain number of people employed. Therefore, the government finally did it in 1931, through the colonials surpluswhich was about twice the estimated annual revenue of drawing. Economy in Government Tan Cheng Lock was not, however, advocating a deficit of modern fiscal policy. On the financial part, he advocated prudence and frugality. Although there is urgency of public works, he is still in the government economy. He criticized Europes excessive spending on personal emoluments of civil servants In 1928, before the Great Depression enveloped, in Malaya, he cautioned the Government against the increases in this category of expenditure from $8. 7 million in 1920 to $16. 1 million or 471/2 per cent of the revenue for 1929. He urged the European to cut staff by reducing the economic our single highest head of expenditure. In 1929, this was extended to the call for a cut-back in personal emoluments and greater productivity. With the depression and unemployment in mind, he proposed cutting down personnal cost by the replacement of retired European officers in the Malayan Civil Service by outstanding Asians in 1930 and 1932. The Government do not need of his proposal initially. In the 1920s, since Guillemard raised salaries, pensions and temporary allowances, the government is very concerned with the maintenance of a luxury standard of living, to which members of the senior branches of the Government service are expected to conform. The Great Depression, however, made it see the wisdom in Tans arguments. In 1931, the Colonial Secretary wrote: .. public opinion generally is critical of delay by Government in deciding to reduce allowances. I recommend reduction [by half the temporary allowance] in the Colony accordingly as from 1 June. Half a year later, Clementi in a drastic move abolished the temporary allowances to save $1 million. In 1932, the Governor announced in the Council that no more cadets [would]. .. be recruited for Malaya for the time being. Chinese Marriage Laws Britain and China also held back from the old marriage legal intervention. The most famous number of case being the six widows case since 1867. The Straits Settlements laws upheld what it deemed were Chinese polygamous laws in 1908. Therefore, the secondary wife and secret mistresses and their offspring to share in the intestate property and marriage long in accordance with Chinese customs and ussages was conducted, in conjunction, laws of the Straits Settlements does not recognize it. The intestates adopted children were not conforred the rights of inheritace as it was stated in 2 well known cases that is in the case of Tan, in 1924, Pointed out the inadequacies of these laws, and that they lead the wild claims, costlylitigation and resoectable widow of humiliation. Women in the judiciary, he said, requires that they should be protected by law of monogamy. In addition, no provisions existed for a woman to divorce her husband separated by mutual consent in the case, there is no law t o force her husband to pay maintenance. Tan hence called for a Select Committee to collect information. Government has an obligation of a committee comprising Tan in April 1925 asappointed. The Chinese Marriage Commitee in its report of 1926, recorded that it was impossible to submit proposals for legislation. It pointed out that if this issue is very different in the South China region and the province of the complex ritual practices and, in addition, through various dialect groups settled in the Straits Settlements changes. The Commission also found that, pratically unanimous in the Straits Settlements in sinkehs conservative opposed to any compulsory registration of marriage and divorce among the requirements for the Straits Chinese. In the view of this, the commitee recommended only voluntary registration. The issue of his sons adoption, however, it recommended the legalization of this practice. The government, in order to avoid a very thorny and difficult subject with a very l ong history desire that is by recommendations in the implementng the Comittee delay. Tan will talk about all this with his repeated urging the Government to take action. Finally, the Government has long speech in response to Tan in the Council and by the memorandum he submitted to the 193 in a reasonable position. The Secretary for Chinese Affairs said that the Government can only only legislate for the domiciled Chinese. An administrator with knowledge of Chinese affairs, then ruled that the customs of a country such as China cannot be altered rapidly which is known as Clementi. The solution, he stressed that China wants to make a will, not the dead will. Tan persistece about the matter, yet, not without success. In earlier month in 1931, apparently forgotten by the Government, The Straits SettlementsDovorce rules have been adopted. The Division of Chinese Affairs, about the legislative failure, it is not a correct statement. Tan exertions were thus only partially succesful, but i t does not meet until 1940 with the civil marriage law enforcement, and his form of monogamous marriage law was adopted. English Education and Language In 1923 when Tan Cheng Lock entered the Legislative Council, the British had shifted from a laissez-faire attitude towards education under its control. This change brought about by the efforts of the Kuomintang which regulate the Straits Settlements in China since 1912 and education, which led to the devastating effects of the school in the Chinese anti-Japanese riots that in 1919 Chinese school politics. Thus alarmed, the United Kingdom in 1920 through the enactment of the school registration, and the establishment of a grant in aid system, to exercise a greater degree of control in Chinas schools. the British viewed with equanimity the educational system of free primary Malay education, a supportive role in English education and self-help in Chinese education. In addition, it leads to a variety of low-cost system to realize the economic exploitation of Malaya and the minimum target of efforts and the application of the maxim of divide and rule. Tan insisted that not enough was being done for English education when surveying this scene in 1923. He urged the introduction of universal, compulsory free English education for all so that a common British outlook which would be the basis for building a Malayan consciousness and community could evolve. during his maiden speech in the Council. Besides inculcating good citizenship with loyalty focused on the British Empire, an English education would, he added, prepare the Straits Settlements ultimately for a representative form of government. He therefore believed that the nation-building in the English education means to different communities across groups to achieve political progress. At the individual level, the average on both sides of his birth in favor of Chinese parents believe that English is a means to escape poverty and respected profession. Malaysian English education also want to meet other community. Tan believes that since it is the demand for English education, it sh ould be provided free of charge. Malaysian English education also want to meet other community demand. Tan believes that since it is the demand for English education, it should be provided free of charge. British authorities, however, does not agree. Free English education will be a financial burden, because they are not prepared to be shoulder. Neither were they prepared to give to the Colony an equivalent level of education obtainable in the United Kingdom. The British applied the brakes to an unconscious preference for English education over Malay education. Clementi, the vigorous pro-Malay Governor, stated at length in the Council that English was inappropriate as the basic language in Malaya and the Straits Settlements in earlier in the early 1930s. English education in India, Ceylon and the Philippines, he claimed, had divorced the natives from traditional occupations and led to widespread discontentment when the higher expectations attendant on acquiring an English education were not met. He further warned that the propagation of a smattering of English has its dangers. To avoid this, he claimed that the Malays would be basic language, free education will continue to be provided in the Straits Settlements. By supporting him, his Colonial Secretary added that the lingua franca of the British Malaya Malaysian can learn easier and cheaper than the English. In addition, the United Kingdom, it has no intrinsic market value, and it will not cause dissatisfaction. For these reasons, the British raised fees in English schools in an attempt to curb eyrolment and reinforce the policy of free primary Malay education Tan rebelled against this ndamental shift in education and language policy. In the Memorandum to Sir Samuel Wilson, he criticized these steps as retrogressive. It was also supported by the other Chinese Unofficial Members (Lim Cheang Ean of Penang and Wee Swee Teow of Singapore) and the Straits Times, Tan argued in the Council that the Malay language had little practical and literary value, was inadequate for modern usage and could easily be learnt without attending a school. In addition, he also warned against any Malayanization or assimilated into the Malay culture in the British attempt. This intention, he emphasized, would be energetically resisted by the non-Malays as something most obnoxious and baneful to their well-being, and the Chinese would for these reasons reject Malay education. He then reinforced the call he made in 1923 for English education to be the primary system in Malaya. It was best suited as a bond between the sections of our population. It was, moreover, the most widely, spoken language throughout the world and [was] likely to become universal. From every conceivable standpoint, be it political (loyalty to the British Crown), economic, educational or cultural, English rather than Malay should be the language in which all Malayans were given free education. The right language, Tan advocated, was English as it was the common basic language which can impart to our heterogeneous population the common outlook conducive to national solidarity. The Straits Times, supporting Tan, remarked: In our view, Tan Cheng Lock in one of the finest speeches of his political career, has conclusively shown the principle [of only providing free primary Malay education] to be indefensible and an educational policy which [our] entire non-indigenous population rejected must be radically wrong. the British disregarded the pleas for the adoption of English as a neutral language and continued with the free primary Malay education system and this is really unfortunate for Tan and his supporters. Chinese Vernacular Education It is contrastive to see that the usual Straits-born Chinese leader who only supported English education, Tan was also a strong campaigner of Chinese vernacular education. He attempt insistently throughout his Council for Chinese-language education. In this, he was enthusiastically supported by overseas Chinese community. He stated that no child should be withdraw of an education in their mother-tongue and English school lack facility in mandarin in 1923. Tan advocated that Chinese language should be included and taught in schools curriculum. In addition, the Straits Settlements Government had second thoughts Chinese vernacular education in wisdom. It had proven that unable of preventing the politicization of Chinese education in the control measures set up in the early 1920s. In the results of the Chinese schools shunned aid within governmental inquisition, the grants in aid scheme fail. The Chinese education is straightforward in Straits Settlement in support of their causes by Kuomintang and the Communist Chinese throughout the 1920s. The Chinese government and its consul-general in Singapore threatened an imperium in imperio in Chinese school in Strait Settlements after the adoption of the Manchu principle of jus saguinis in 1929 and victory of Kuomintang in 1927. The chinese education alarmed the British with its subversive message against colonialism. When an increased interest in the study of Mandarin, he decided that the grants shall not given to schools that have not previously received them. When the depression and financial difficulties had increased application for grants-in-aid by Chinese schools. Clementi hesitant between an increase in grants-in-aid to regain control and the curtailment of Chinese vernacular education, and he moved resolutely in banning the Kuomintang in 1930. This policy drew forth strong disagreement from Tan. He strongly attacked the discontinuation of new grants-in-aid to Chinese schools while he saw it fit to detach himself from Kuomintangs activities. The continuance to subsidize the Chinese vernacular schools as to educate the local-born children was stated in the Memorandum to Sir Samuel Wilson. It was unjust that grotesque and unaccountable as foreign Malaysians such as Javnese and Boyanese could enjoy free vernacular education in their mother tongue while non-Malays couldnt. Therefore, he had po inted out in the Council, the policy would brings to more illiteracy among the non-Malays. He declared that Government was not looking into and doing enough for Chinese education which almost wholly financed through doing-it-yourself. He advised government that, better supervise Chinese education and making sure the instilling of good nationality. Tans advice again get ignored. Clementi, reiterated in addition to summing up the debate held in English and vernacular education strong views on the advantages of education in Malay and English education shortcomings and ignore the comments on the statement about local education. Tan, during his long years in the Council, he fight for greater educational opportunities for the less privileged in society. He urged for the establishment of trade and agricultural schools for the less academically inclined. He canvassed, in the evening, to improve standards in private schools and the age limit in the government schools outdated students. He called for the establishment of an institution to teach them to read and write for those blind. He retained the Queens scholarship campaign. In some of his success, he failed in others, but through these efforts, his human side is evident. The Port of Malacca That time, Tan Cheng Lock was appointed as the Legislative Council of the 20th century, 20 years, has been a marked decline in Malacca as an entrepot. Historical and geographical circumstances, the raising of her early re-growth of a great change. Conquered by the Netherlands and Singapore, Sumatra and Penang favor the emergence of center, cut off her hinterland, trade more, and relegated her to the coastal port. Malacca river siltation, as an inland port the result of deforestation and erosion of the port has been handling her ocean-going vessels is inappropriate, and with some difficulty, coastal vessels. dredging which is taken in 1902, rarely alleviate the problem of Malacca seemed destined for oblivion in addition to economic development efforts in the rubber plantations by Tan Chay Yan in 1895. This expansion of rubber cultivation temporarily revived Malaccas fortune, but it reorientated her maritime outlook. With the development of the road networks inland and the Malacca-Tamp in railway link to the Peninsular system in 1905, Malacca after centuries of living off the sea was increasingly forced to look to her shrinking hinterland for survival. Indeed, the official Straits Settlements Annual Report commented that the railway might perhaps save Malacca from commercial extinction. Tan refused to accept this fate. Coming from a family which had long been associated with the sea, he repeatedly pressed in and out of Council for the revival of Malacca as a seaport. This was of vital importance as Malacca, he believed, could only hope to survive by improving its facilities as a seaport and by becoming a manufacturing town in the course of time. In the furtherance of this vision, he proposed numerous schemes with the backing of the Malaccan business community. In 1930, He suggested the establishment of a readily accepted Government. He is carefully monitored from the residence of his activities, Heron Street, and soon was questioned in 1930, transferred to elsewh ere. By dredger purchase, led to the lack of progress close to despair, he proposed a more comprehensive plan. First, he drew attention to the need to purchase an existing dredging river mouth a place suitable for modern dredger. Secondly, he suggested the spur expansion (a concrete wall extending from the coast to the sea), to ensure that the Malacca River, the coast from further washed deposits clear. The proposal is to extend groin in his own words, the sludge transferred to the personal sacrifices Heron Street, standing on the shore of his ancestral home. Third, he urged the Government to build a new port on the island of Java it will be dealing with ocean-going vessels ability. In the Council, he outlined his plan thus: Such a scheme would necessitate the construction of a causeway of about 3/4 miles long leading to the islet where an L-shaped wharf may be built. The railway could then be connected with the wharf and Malacca would regain some of its former importance as a seaport. .. [serving]. .. the Malayan hinterland of Pahang, Negeri Sembilan and Johore When the Governor visit

Canadian Sport And Class Inequality :: essays research papers

Canadian sport is divided amongst its classes. Not all people engage in the same sports or do the same things to stay physically active. In following pages, I have critically examined explanations on how to tell there are differences within classes, and what these differences mean to sport and physical activity in Canada.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  After examining some reasons why there is division within classes in Canadian sport, I will discuss what steps or measures would be necessary to take in order to achieve equality among the classes. I will suggest some things we can do to mesh all classes together in a unified plan. I will show how Canadian sport would be different if we lived in a ‘utopia’ of equality among classes – essentially having no classes. Class equality may not be what is best for sport in Canada. I will also weigh whether or not it would be best for Canada to be without classes in its sporting system.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  I will conclude with my recommendations on what steps must be taken for the future of Canadian sport to ensure the most efficient and equal program is in place for everyone. Class is very closely related to money and income. The more money you have or the more money your household brings in, the higher status you have. Power is also related to class and may not always belong to the coaches. In formally organized sports it may be who has the knowledge or resources desired to play the game that has the most significant amount of power. â€Å"Formally organized sports could not be developed, scheduled or maintained without material resources.†4 This certainly implies that some people hold a significant amount of power over others and remain in a class above others in sports. It should also be noted that formally organized sports are not democratic. The idea of class division is fully entertained when defining, â€Å"Rich and powerful people tend to be defined as worthy winners, while the poor and powerless tend to be defined as lazy losers.† To say there is a division of classes within sport without clearly defining each specific class, we must take a class logic mindset. Class logic can be interpreted as â€Å"economic success (winning) becomes proof of individual ability, worth, and character.† I must also mention the class logic comes to emphasize achievement through individual competition and domination over others.3 As we enter a new millennium, it is easy to draw conclusions on some things that have happened in the last.

Alternative Sources of Energy Essay -- Energy Research Papers, 2015

As the population continues to increase day after day, so does the demand for oil and other natural resources. Eventually we will get to a point where we will need to find different ways of efficiently producing energy at a low cost. Twenty to thirty years ago it was hard to imagine what sources of energy (other than obvious possibilities like solar panels and windmills) that could efficiently supply the world. The advancement of technology today is opening new doors in the energy field that are likely to change the way we think about energy. With so many different sources of energy that are prevalent around the world, the challenge is found in harvesting and securing the energy at its source, and doing so in an efficient manner. I decided to do some research about possible future sources of energy, and my search turned up some interesting results. One of the most basic yet potentially worthwhile investments was found on an alternative energy website. This particular article talks about the use of flying wind farms. These flying wind farms are essentially "airborne turbines spinning at high altitudes sending power down via nano-tube cable tethers to generate power." Basically there would be two turbine's attached via the nano-tube cables that would fly high in the sky like kites. The strong wind from the high altitude would allow the turbines to capture and transmit the energy down the cables. The idea was being explored by NASA who said that the t...

Love’s Bond – Robert Nozick

Love’s Bond – Robert Nozick In this writing assignment I will be giving a detailed interpretation on Robert Nozick’s writing, â€Å"Love’s Bond†. First I will give an explanation on Nozick’s account of the nature of love. Secondly, I will explain why Robert Nozick believes that in love there is no desire to trade up to another partner. Lastly, I will also explain why he says that it is incoherent to ask what the value of love is to an individual person. The nature of love according to Nozick is the desire to form a â€Å"we† with the person you feel romantic love for, the desire to become one with the loved one.When two individuals are mutually in romantic love with one another, they both desire to form a â€Å"we† with each other. Once two romantic partners form a â€Å"we† they subconsciously agree to make life decisions together because now they are one and what affects one affects the other equally. Any type of life e vent good or bad that affects one person affects the other person equally because once they form a â€Å"we† they are like one. Nozick explains that when two individuals form a â€Å"we† they share a new identity.According to Nozick this new formation completely takes over of the individuals and they become something new, something transformed in a way. This desire to form a â€Å"we† with another is something magnificent and great. He explains that, â€Å"the desire to share not only our life but our identity with another marks our fullest openness. To Nozick, forming a â€Å"we† is a really big deal. Forming a â€Å"we† is a complete transformation of what a person used to be when they were and individual. According to Nozick, when a person is in love, they do not have desires to trade up to a different partner.Nozick says, â€Å"In the view of a person who loves someone romantically, there couldn’t be anyone else who was better as a par tner. † This quote gives support to his idea that a person in love would not desire to trade up. The person in love does not believe in their heart that anyone could be better than the person they are in love with. According to Nozick the thought of trading up to a different partner would not even cross the mind of a person who is in love. Nozick goes on to explain that a person in love might sometimes want to make a few changes on their mate; however, this does not imply that the person in love wants a different mate.Nozick believes that a person in love loves very specific qualities in their mate. For this reason, even if a person in love wanted to make their loved one better this would not mean they want a different person. To the person in love â€Å"no other person could have precisely those traits; therefore, any imagined person will be the same mate (perhaps) somewhat changed, not somebody else. † Nozick believes that when a person is in love, they love the very specific ways that their partner radiates a specific traits, not the trait itself.They love the person, â€Å"for his or her own particular and non-duplicable way of embodying such general traits, a person in love could not make any coherent sense of his â€Å"trading up† to another. † According to Nozick a person who is even considering trading up is a person who is no longer in love. He does not feel that the thought of trading up is a thought that an individual in love could even think about. Nozick feels that it is incoherent to ask what the value of love is to an individual person because there is no individual when you form a â€Å"we†; there is this new identity.Like the example that was given in class regarding the sperm and egg, once the sperm and the egg have joint, you do not ask how the sperm is doing because it no longer exist. In the same way it does not make sense to ask the value of love to an individual because the individual no longer exists on ce the â€Å"we† is formed. According to Nozick when two individuals join and form a â€Å"we† this new identity completely takes over and creates a new shared identity. To Nozick, it would be completely irrational to even think of the person of an individual and to ask what the value of love is to them.It is something that is just not possible when a person has formed a â€Å"we† with another. In conclusion, I have given my complete interpretation on Robert Nozick’s writing, â€Å"Love’s Bond†. I have explained to the best of my knowledge the nature of love, the reason why in romantic love there is no desire of trading up, and lastly why it is incoherent to ask what the value of love is to an individual. Works Cited 1. Nozick, Robert. â€Å"Love's Bond. † Philosophical Perspectives on Sex & Love. New York: Oxford UP, 1995. 231-39. Print.

Black Men and Public Space Essay

In Brent Staples’ personal essay â€Å"Black Men and Public Space†, he tells the readers what happen to a young black man in an urban setting. He pinpointed that people often stereotype you because of color, race, gender, culture or appearance. In addition, the author expresses to us that he notices the space between him and other people, such as women on the street. Some people may disagree that women set a certain amount of space when walking by a black man on the street. This statement is not true and public space is not about race, gender, color, culture, or appearance. Do we as a people stereotype other people because of race or gender? I believe that race plays a big role when viewing other people, either if were walking down the street or walking into the store. We have a specific view of people from other races and even their own. For example, a black businesswoman might stereotype another woman from her own race because she may not have the same attire as her or grew up in a different area. A white businesswoman might look down on another white women who make less money than her like she is no one, which is not true. But back to Staples’, he once said that a woman cast worried glance at Staples when she saw him walking down the street. Staples found this to be a little strange as he walks too close to the women she seems to pick up her pace of speed after a few glimpses of Staples. In this part of the essay, Staples had a sense that a woman who barely knows him was probably stereotyping him. In addition, he stated that when he would walk in front of a car when people were at a stoplight, men and women would lock their car doors. In recent news in the put exact month it happened year 2013, there was a famous story about a young boy named Trayvon Martin. Trayvon’s story can relate well with the author personal essay. Just like Staples, Travyon was a young African American boy who was stereotyped by the way he looked by someone of another race. The person that speculated young Trayvon to be dangerous was a Latino man, name George Zimmerman who was well over Trayvon’s age, and thought the young boy had a gun in his pocket and was going to shoot him. Zimmerman perceived Trayvon to be a dangerous threat to the person of a different race but in reality he was a young boy with a hoodie over his head and skittles in his pocket. Staples personal essay relates to this story because when he walks into a store or down the street people would look at him in a different light. Just because he is young African American man walking down the street or into the store doesn’t mean he will steal, kill, or rape someone. Instead looking down on people of other races than our own, we other need to be optimistic because not everyone is the same. People shouldn’t have to change their demeanor for other people not to be scared of them because of what they look like or their race. Brent Staples believed that the woman in his personal essay thought he was a rapist, mugger, or worse, he noted that there was a certain amount distance between him and women especially at night. This proves to show that when people are being stereotyped they pay close attention to gender as well as race. You’re less likely to be afraid of a black woman, or any woman, walking down the street at night. When the woman saw a black man it seemed as if she felt trapped and that the narrator closing in on her only made her more anxious and ready to run. Would the situation be the same if a black woman were walking behind her? I believe the situation would be nothing similar to what the narrator experienced. Most people see women as less intimidating than a man. I know if a woman was wearing a hoodie and walking behind me I would be less scared and intimidated than if a man was walking behind me. I think part of that is our perception of the opposite sex. I perceive men as stronger than women, no matter what their race is. It’s just the image that we get from the media, our parents, and our surroundings. Either way people are stereotyped everyday, it doesn’t matter if you are black/white or a man/woman. As a whole we need to stop labeling people by the way they look because one day we might mistake the wrong person that appears to be a good a person but in reality they are the rapist or mugger. So before you decide to give off any perception of anyone by the way they look, you should be optimistic and have an open mind towards other people, but still have guard up.